Author: Orest Deychakiwsky

U.S.-Ukraine relations are back on solid ground. Despite U.S. President Joe Biden’s ill-advised decision earlier in the year to lift the waiver on Nord Stream 2 sanctions, the overall trajectory is in a positive direction, especially following Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy’s recent Washington visit.

Some words that came to my mind in describing the visit are “encouraging,” “reassuring” and “heartening,” especially after some of the turmoil, neglect and even exploitation that our bilateral relations experienced under our previous president.

For many reading this column – certainly those of the older generations – 1991 is a year that is embedded in our consciousness. After seven decades of brutal oppression under the Soviets – occupation, war, famine, and Gulags – Ukraine achieved independence. Thirty years later, it remains independent, and, despite the serious external and internal challenges, Ukraine is here to stay.

The following column discusses the work of the Helsinki Commission beginning in the late 1980s, as the Soviet empire began to unravel, to the present day. Part 1 of this two-part series, which ran in the May 30 issue of The Ukrainian Weekly, discussed the work of the Helsinki Commission from its founding up to the late 1980s.

Forty-five years ago on June 3, 1976, over the strong, and thankfully unsuccessful, objection of Henry Kissinger’s State Department, a bill creating the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, commonly known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, was signed into law. For more than 35 of those 45 years, I had the privilege to work for this small U.S. government agency located on Capitol Hill, which promotes peace, security, human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The work was meaningful and fulfilling, and reflected many of the values I was raised with, including in my grade-school through grad-school Catholic education.

Forty-five years ago on June 3, 1976, over the strong, and thankfully unsuccessful, objection of Henry Kissinger’s State Department, a bill creating the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, commonly known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, was signed into law. For more than 35 of those 45 years, I had the privilege to work for this small U.S. government agency located on Capitol Hill, which promotes peace, security, human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The work was meaningful and fulfilling, and reflected many of the values I was raised with, including in my grade-school through grad-school Catholic education.

Thirty-five years ago, the word Chornobyl first entered our lexicon and left an indelible mark on the world’s consciousness.  This catastrophe, the largest nuclear accident in history, had monumental health, environmental, social, political and economic consequences that linger to this day.

Part 2. Any successful relationship requires both parties to do their part. This maxim applies to the U.S.-Ukraine partnership as it does to any other. While there is still plenty of work ahead, the prospects are encouraging.

Part I The advent of the Biden Administration brings with it the promise of more robust ties between the United States and Ukraine. No incoming U.S. president has had the knowledge and track record of support and commitment for Ukraine that President Joe Biden does. His foreign policy team is also second to none when...

By just about any measure, 2020 has been a difficult year.  The COVID-19 pandemic, President Trump’s unfounded allegations of elections fraud and stubborn refusal to concede the election, and Russia’s recent massive cyberattack, are just a few of the bad news stories of the year.

But there is hope for 2021.  The rapid development of COVID-19 vaccines suggests that, as the year progresses, life will return to some semblance of normality.  And Joe Biden’s inauguration on January 20 will also usher in a degree of sanity in our politics.  Our country, indeed, the world, needs it. 

Dear Editor:

For more than four decades Roma Hadzewycz worked conscientiously and tirelessly, exhibiting great professionalism and a deep devotion to her work.  As editor of The Ukrainian Weekly for nearly half of its existence, she has been a pivotal figure in the Ukrainian-American community.  Her contributions cannot be overstated.

Part II

Sadly, the dictatorial regime of illegitimate President Alyaksandr Lukashenka has again stepped up its repression of the people of Belarus struggling for their democratic rights and freedoms. This includes the violent death of protester Roman Bondarenka in police custody. After the shocking brutality against peaceful protesters that the world witnessed in the immediate aftermath of the August 9 fraudulent elections, the degree of abuse by the Lukashenka regime’s security apparatus had diminished somewhat – although it never completely went away.

The recent comprehensive and authoritative OSCE Moscow Mechanism Report on post-election human rights violations notes the numerous instances of police brutality and torture on the part of security forces that operate with impunity.

Part I

I did not see it coming. Few people did. As someone who has followed developments in Belarus since shortly after Alyaksandr Lukashenka became president in 1994, I am surprised and incredibly heartened by the size and persistence of massive peaceful protests following the rigged August 9 presidential elections in which Mr. Lukashenka claims to have won his sixth term. The vote fraud was so flagrant and shameless that most Belarusians believe that it was the opposition candidate, Svyatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who won. The weekly mass protests – often exceeding 100,000 participants – are now well into their third month. This would be remarkable anywhere. It is especially amazing for Belarus.