Author: Orest Deychakiwsky

It is by no means accidental that Russia is working actively to prevent Joe Biden from becoming president of the United States. Among the reasons is Mr. Biden’s strong, demonstrated support for Ukraine throughout his long political career. And I have no doubt whatsoever that as president he will remain a committed supporter of Ukraine, understanding that Ukraine is the lynchpin of European security. Mr. Biden will most certainly not be afraid to stand up to Vladimir Putin and hold him accountable, in contrast to Donald Trump, whose persistent obsequiousness towards the dictator boggles the mind.

Not all readers may be aware of the comprehensive and detailed U.S. government and NGO reports issued annually that assess the status of human rights and democracy, or religious freedoms, in countries around the world, including Ukraine. Several have been issued in the last few months. They include the State Depart­ment’s Annual Human Rights Country Reports and its report on International Religious Freedom, as well as those from respected NGOs such as Freedom House. There is also a flow of information from other U.S. and international NGOs, the United Nations and other international bodies, and, of course, from Ukrainian NGOs, notably the Kharkiv Human Rights Protection Group.

I don’t know if it was the lyrics, or the melody that left a powerful impression on me – probably both, but one of the songs we sang at Ukrainian Plast scout camps growing up in the 1960s and ’70s was “Vid Synioho Donu.”

Here’s a rough English translation  of the poem’s first stanza:

From the blue river Don to the grey Carpathians,
A single indivisible family,
No slavery, no serfdom, no brutality, no betrayals,
A free, independent Ukraine!

While it might be largely forgotten now, March 1990 – 30 years ago – was a milestone on Ukraine’s path toward independence. It was a pivotal month in Ukraine’s transition from a captive nation to an independent state, an important testament to the dramatic changes that were taking place in the Soviet Union. It was also a month during which the U.S. Congress accelerated its engagement with Ukraine. Nonetheless, it also showed the limits of that engagement and of Soviet liberalization. Let me explain.

Three decades ago this month, the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic held elections to its legislature that starkly differed from the fictional elections that had been held throughout the preceding 70 years of Soviet rule. While far from perfect, they were competitive; they were real. These elections helped to break the monopoly of the Communist Party. They were a genuine expression of the Ukrainian population’s quest for democracy and self-determination – a critical step towards independence.

I doubt that anyone could have imagined back last summer that Ukraine would be at the center of an impeachment of an American president. Yet, since late September, when the story broke of allegations of President Donald Trump’s campaign to pressure Ukraine to publicly commit to investigating a political opponent, notably by withholding military aid, Ukraine has been in the news on a daily basis.
How has impeachment impacted America’s public perceptions of Ukraine? More importantly, how has it affected U.S. support for Ukraine? First, as tragic as this scandal has been for the United States, it has not been the unmitigated disaster for Ukraine or its standing with America’s public and political elites that some fear. Mr. Trump’s politicization of the U.S.-Ukraine relationship has harmed and complicated U.S.-Ukraine relations in the short-term.

With all of the understandable focus on the more momentous and still, in many respects, ongoing Euro-Maidan Revolution of Dignity, the 15th anniversary of the Orange Revolution has passed largely unnoticed. And even though many of its hopes failed to materialize, it remains a highly significant event in the history of independent Ukraine. The November-December 2004 Orange Revolution was a powerful expression of the Ukrainian people’s longing for dignity. Indeed, it was a precursor of the Revolution of Dignity that took place nine years later.
The Orange Revolution demonstrated to the entire world that the Ukrainian people were willing to speak truth to power, to fight for their rights in a quiet, dignified, peaceful manner, and to live in a democratic, free and independent country. With Ukraine constantly on the front-pages now, it is easy to forget that it was the Orange Revolution that first drew the world’s attention to Ukraine. For weeks in late 2004, Ukraine was a major story in the news.

It’s been called the Trump-Ukraine controversy, Ukraine scandal, Ukraine matter, Ukraine affair, Ukraine mess. Call it what you will, but since late September, Ukraine has been at the center of attention in the United States in a way never before seen.
There are so many aspects that can be discussed, but let me share just a few thoughts.
As damaging and tragic as this whole episode is for the United States, how it plays out for Ukraine’s relationship with its most powerful strategic partner remains to be seen. While it certainly complicates U.S.-Ukraine relations in the short-term, I remain confident that America will continue to support Ukraine’s territorial integrity and democratic aspirations.

This year, the Ukrainian American community is celebrating 125 years of organized community life – which started when the Ukrainian National Association (UNA) was established as a fraternal insurance organization in 1894 in Shamokin, Pa.
In addition to the UNA with its long history, the Ukrainian Congress Committee of America, the Ukrainian National Women’s League of North America, Plast Ukrainian Scouting Organization, the Ukrainian American Youth Association (a.k.a. SUM) and other organizations have been mainstays of Ukrainian community life since the post-World War II immigration. They continue to play important roles in maintaining and fostering the community.

On July 21, I was in Kherson, a pleasant port city in southern Ukraine, observing Verkhovna Rada elections with the National Democratic Institute (NDI), which had invited me to participate as a member of their delegation. NDI, an NGO based in Washington, has been doing valuable work in Ukraine for more than two decades. It was a slightly different election observation experience than earlier ones I have had.

Freedom and human rights have long been on Washington’s radar screen. During the late 1970s and through the 1980s, U.S. governmental agencies such as the Helsinki Commission, where I worked for many years, the Congress, the White House and the State Department raised the plight of imprisoned Ukrainian Helsinki monitors, the then-banned Ukrainian Catholic Church and other human rights issues. Washington’s official interest has continued since independence, albeit with more of an emphasis on democracy and the rule of law given the considerable improvements with respect to human rights and freedoms in the last three decades. The stark exception, of course, is Russian-occupied Crimea and the so-called Donetsk and Luhansk “people’s republics.”

Lest we forget – Moscow continues to engage in appalling behavior in Ukraine, violating international norms of civilized behavior with impunity.   It seems that with all of the understandable focus on Ukraine’s elections and the inauguration of the new president, Russia’s ongoing aggression and human rights violations in Ukraine have taken a back seat.  During my recent stint in Ukraine as an OSCE first-round election observer, there was little indication of a country at war.  It is now in its sixth year.  It is low-intensity, with fewer casualties than during its first few years. 

So, after a contentious election campaign, Volodymyr Zelensky has been elected overwhelmingly as Ukraine’s sixth president. Most of the Washington policy community – like the vast majority of the Ukrainian diaspora – would have preferred a continuation of the Poroshenko presidency, but the Ukrainian people had other ideas. Whether we like the results or not,...